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Wealth Is a Decision

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For decades, Latin America has been told a simple story: rich countries are rich because they plundered everyone else, and we remain poor because we were plundered. You hear it in classrooms, in political speeches, and in everyday conversation. The trouble is that this story does not hold up against what has actually happened in the world. This article proposes a different explanation, one that is more useful and better supported by the evidence: wealth is not what a country has, but what its society is capable of doing, and developing that capacity is, to a large extent, a decision. To see why, imagine two societies with exactly the same resources: the same territory, the same climate, the same minerals. In the first, people receive a good education, trust the rules, know how to work as a team, and can turn ideas into products. In the second, none of that happens. A few decades later, the first will be far more prosperous than the second, and the difference will not lie in what they o...

La riqueza es una decisión

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Durante décadas, en América Latina se ha repetido una explicación sencilla: los países ricos lo son porque saquearon a los demás, y los pobres seguimos pobres porque nos saquearon. Se escucha en las aulas, en los discursos políticos y en las conversaciones de todos los días. El problema es que esa explicación no resiste la comparación con lo que ha ocurrido en el mundo. Este artículo propone otra, más útil y mejor respaldada por la evidencia: la riqueza no es lo que un país tiene, sino lo que su sociedad es capaz de hacer, y desarrollar esa capacidad es, en buena medida, una decisión. Para entenderlo, imaginemos dos sociedades con exactamente los mismos recursos: el mismo territorio, el mismo clima, los mismos minerales. En la primera, la gente recibe buena educación, confía en las reglas, sabe trabajar en equipo y puede convertir ideas en productos. En la segunda, nada de eso ocurre. Pasadas unas décadas, la primera será mucho más próspera que la segunda, y la diferencia no estará en ...

Ideology and Reality: The Costs of Ignoring Positive Economics

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One of the most profound issues in Latin American economic debate is not the coexistence of differing visions for society, but the gradual replacement of scientific analysis with ideological stances that attempt to turn political desires into economic explanations. When this occurs, economics ceases to be a tool for understanding reality and becomes a mechanism to justify pre-existing dogmas. The problem is not the diversity of political preferences, but rather presenting those preferences as technical knowledge even when they contradict available evidence. The theory of value clearly illustrates the origin of this confusion. For much of the history of economic thought, thinkers attempted to explain the value of goods based on their objective attributes. The classical school and later Karl Marx developed an explanation centered on labor. In the Marxist formulation, the value of a commodity depends on the amount of socially necessary labor time required to produce it. However, the margi...

Ideología y realidad: los costos de ignorar la economía positiva

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Uno de los problemas más profundos del debate económico latinoamericano no es la coexistencia de distintas visiones de sociedad, sino la paulatina sustitución del análisis científico por posiciones ideológicas que pretenden convertir deseos políticos en explicaciones económicas. Cuando esto ocurre, la economía deja de ser un instrumento para comprender la realidad y pasa a ser una herramienta para justificar dogmas preexistentes. El problema no radica en la diversidad de preferencias políticas, sino en presentar esas preferencias como conocimiento técnico aun cuando contradicen la evidencia disponible. La teoría del valor ilustra con claridad el origen de esta confusión. Durante gran parte de la historia del pensamiento económico se intentó explicar el valor de los bienes a partir de sus atributos objetivos. La escuela clásica y posteriormente Karl Marx desarrollaron una explicación centrada en el trabajo. En la formulación marxista, el valor de una mercancía depende de la cantidad de ...

PISA 2025 and the Lost Desire to Learn

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The results of the 2025 PISA tests have confirmed a suspicion that many teachers had held for quite some time: there is a continuous, global decline in teenagers' ability to read and solve mathematical problems. Although science learning remained stable between 2022 and 2025, the setback in reading and mathematics is not confined to a single region, but rather constitutes a deeply unequal global trend. While developed nations, led by East Asian education systems, continue to maintain the highest performance levels, developing regions, with Latin America among the most lagging, show clear signs of stagnation or decline. The consequence is evident: the gap between the highest and lowest performing countries in reading and mathematics proficiency remains substantial. ​This is not merely a concern for experts, but a widespread anxiety shared across society. An international survey conducted by the research firm Ipsos across thirty countries revealed that nearly half of respondents ...

PISA 2025 y la pérdida del deseo por aprender

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  Los resultados de las pruebas PISA de 2025 terminaron por confirmar una sospecha que muchos profesores tenían desde hacía tiempo: existe una caída continua y global en la capacidad de los adolescentes para leer y resolver problemas matemáticos. Aunque el aprendizaje en ciencias se mantuvo estable entre 2022 y 2025, el retroceso en lectura y matemáticas no se limita a un solo lugar, sino que constituye una tendencia mundial, profundamente desigual. Mientras los países desarrollados, liderados por los sistemas educativos del este de Asia, aún mantienen los niveles de desempeño más altos, las regiones en desarrollo, con América Latina entre las más rezagadas, muestran un estancamiento o un deterioro evidente. La consecuencia es clara: la brecha entre los países con mejores y peores resultados en el dominio de la lectura y las matemáticas sigue siendo considerable. ​Esto no es solo una preocupación de los expertos, sino una inquietud compartida por la sociedad. Una encuesta interna...

Colombia’s Fiscal Reckoning: When the State Starts Consuming the Economy

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Colombia faces a fiscal problem that can no longer be treated as a temporary difficulty or as the result of decisions made by a single government. For at least the last three administrations, those of Juan Manuel Santos, Ivan Duque, and Gustavo Petro, public spending and debt have followed a persistently upward trajectory. Governments with deep differences in their political orientations ended up sharing the same trend, expanding the size and obligations of the state without making a proportional correction to its spending structure. The result is an economy in which the public sector has grown faster than the productive capacity that must finance it. The figures for the 2027 budget show how far this dynamic has gone. The proposed budget amounts to 634.9 trillion pesos, close to 30 percent of GDP. Of that total, approximately 392.6 trillion corresponds to operating costs, 155.4 trillion to debt service, and barely 87 trillion to investment. In other words, around 86 percent of the ...

The Algorithm’s Inquisition: How Social Media Redefined the Authority of Knowledge

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We live in a paradoxical age. Never before has humanity had access to so much information, and yet rarely in recent history has verified knowledge been so threatened. Social media has radically transformed the way people, especially young people, interact with information. This interaction is intense, constant, and seemingly democratizing, but behind that apparent freedom lies a profound phenomenon: the silent replacement of traditional epistemic authority with a new form of authority based not on knowledge, but on identity and tribal belonging. For centuries, epistemic authority, that is, the legitimate right to be trusted as a source of truth, was built on verification: evidence, peer review, accumulated experience, rigorous study. Scientists, scholars, and professionals earned credibility by demonstrating that their claims withstood scrutiny. Today, in the digital ecosystem, that logic has been inverted. Authority is no longer earned through verification, it is granted through b...

La Inquisición del Algoritmo: cómo las redes sociales redefinieron la autoridad del conocimiento

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Vivimos una época paradójica. Nunca antes la humanidad tuvo acceso a tanta información, y sin embargo, pocas veces en la historia reciente el conocimiento verificado ha estado tan amenazado. Las redes sociales han transformado radicalmente la manera en que las personas, especialmente los jóvenes, interactúan con la información. Esta interacción es intensa, constante y aparentemente democratizadora, pero detrás de esa aparente libertad se esconde un fenómeno profundo, la sustitución silenciosa de la autoridad epistémica tradicional por una nueva forma de autoridad basada no en el conocimiento, sino en la identidad y la pertenencia tribal. Durante siglos, la autoridad epistémica, es decir, el derecho legítimo a que se confíe en lo que uno dice como verdadero, se construyó sobre la verificación, la evidencia, la revisión por pares, la experiencia acumulada, el estudio riguroso. Los científicos, los académicos y los profesionales ganaban credibilidad demostrando que sus afirmaciones resist...

A Doctrine for Democratic Maturity: Lessons From Germany to Caracas Why the survival of new democracies depends less on elections than on the quiet architecture of power

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  When American forces captured Nicolás Maduro in January and flew him to New York to face trial, the immediate question was tactical: who runs Caracas now? The deeper question, the one that will actually decide whether Venezuela builds a durable democracy or simply trades one strongman for another, is structural. And history has already offered some answers, not so much from political theory as from the hard experience of countries that have walked this road before. Take Germany first. Its postwar decentralization was no accident. The framers of the 1949 Basic Law, working under Allied oversight, built a federal system meant to make a second Hitler structurally near-impossible: states with real power, a presidency reduced to ceremony, an independent constitutional court, and a handful of principles placed permanently beyond the reach of amendment. Germany already had old regional identities to build on, Bavaria, Prussia, Saxony, but it was the trauma of totalitarianism that turn...